In The Shock of the New, Robert Hughes claims that the minimum freedom Dadaists
and Expressionists took for granted—which was denied artists behind the Iron
Curtain—was “the freedom to interpose one’s art between the official message
and one’s audience.” The wording of the statement reminded me of Georg Lukács’
condemnation of Expressionists in “Realism in the Balance”: “What then of the
Expressionists? They were ideologues. They stood between leaders and masses” (Aesthetics
and Politics. New York: Verso, 2007. p. 51). Of course, Lukács meant the
statement to be highly critical. According to him, Expressionists were not
revolutionary. Although they did “interpose” their art between “the official
message” and the people, they did so in a way that was not grounded in the
reality of present social issues. Lukács, arguing in favor of a type of social
literary realism, famously concludes in that essay (and others) that
Expressionism leads inevitably to Fascism. The Dadaists (far from the territory
of Lukács’ realism) would agree in part, arguing that Expressionists were not
subversive. Instead, they traded political revolution for a “tyrannical Ich,”
leading Dadaists to proclaim in their manifesto, “Has expressionism fulfilled
our expectations of such an [explosive] art, which should be an expression of
our most vital concerns? NO, NO, NO” (Robert Hughes, The Shock of the New. New
York: Knopf, 1991. p. 68)
So here we have both the realists and Dadaists arguing that Expressionism fails
to meet their respective criteria for political art. But did Expressionism have
any political impact at all? Absolutely. Both Lukács and the Dadaists take the
position that art is not political if it isn’t actively engaged with current
social crises or struggles. However, I would argue that even bourgeois art that
upholds the status quo is performing a certain political function—even if the
politics are at odds with the leftist views of the Dadaists or Lukács. Indeed,
the very fact that Expressionism would lead early-twentieth century artists and
theorists to have such strong reactions against it—and to put into practice
conflicting “anti-art” movements—is proof that even the most personal and
individual art can lead to concrete social and political responses. Art
generates dialogue, and that is where it might have the most political impact
Expressionist art between the wars, especially in Germany, revealed some of the
most haunting and visceral images of fear, alienation, and anxiety of the
Weimar period. The works express psychological and emotion truths that
transcend individual experience and give insight into the collective experience
of an entire culture during a particularly turbulent period. Take, for example,
this poem by Georg Trakl from 1914, as translated by James Wright:
“In
Venice”
Silence in the rented room.
The candlestick flickers with silver light
Before the singing breath
Of the lonely man;
Enchanted rosecloud.
Black swarms of flies
Darken the stony space,
And the head of the man who has no home
Is numb from the agony
Of the golden day.
The motionless sea grows dark.
Star and black voyages
Vanished on the canal.
Child, your sickly smile
Followed me softly in my sleep.
If we are to link “political” with subversive, then this expressionist poem is
a prime example. The typical romantic setting of Venice—quiet streets with
candlelight flickering over the water—is visualized as a place of death and
sickness. The “darkened stony spaces” are more reminiscent of tombs or
subterranean crypts. In this intensely personal vision of the city, Trakl
inverts the typical depiction of Venice while mapping modern decay onto a city
so often celebrated for the very traits the poet finds so disturbing. Like
Europe itself in the years leading up to the first World War, the city masks
its growing sickness in the myths of its past. The “child” of the poem might
very well be the city itself, whose sickly images linger in the mind even in
sleep, which brings no respite. The subversive element of the poem is Trakl’s seeing
through the outer illusion of the city and revealing an inner truth (of both
city and poet). The poem expresses much the same ominous tone as “Death in
Venice” written two years earlier by Thomas Mann (championed by Lukács as one of the great of political
writers). It presents one man’s immediate sense of self in a time and place
where an individual’s identity was being shaped by a decaying culture on the
verge of war. As art, it generates dialogue, raises awareness, and lends itself
to counter viewpoints, which are certainly political moves, despite the overtly
personal content of the poem.
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